SKU: 91691698934

Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0-50

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Description

Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0-50Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0 50 Ontdek de krachtige en efficinte Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0 50, een essentieel stuk gereedschap voor elke professional die werkt met backing gas. Dit ventiel is ontworpen om de druk van een backing gas cilinder, die kan oplopen tot 200 bar, te reduceren naar een instelbare doorstroming tussen de 0 en 50 liter per minuut. Dit geeft u de mogelijkheid om het gasverbruik precies af te stemmen op uw behoeften, wat

Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0-50

Ontdek de krachtige en efficiënte Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0-50, een essentieel stuk gereedschap voor elke professional die werkt met backing gas. Dit ventiel is ontworpen om de druk van een backing gas cilinder, die kan oplopen tot 200 bar, te reduceren naar een instelbare doorstroming tussen de 0 en 50 liter per minuut. Dit geeft u de mogelijkheid om het gasverbruik precies af te stemmen op uw behoeften, wat zowel kostenbesparend als efficiënt is.

De primaire aansluiting van het ventiel is een 24.32 R inwendig voor gebruik met RU 3 cilinders, terwijl de secundaire aansluiting is voorzien van een 1/4" R uitwendig met een slangtule die geschikt is voor een 6 mm slang (EN 560). De manometers hebben een diameter van 63 mm en zijn van kwaliteitsklasse 2.5, wat zorgt voor betrouwbare meetwaarden tijdens uw werkzaamheden.

  • Gewicht: 1357 gram
  • Hoogte: 165 mm
  • Lengte: 180 mm
  • Breedte: 63 mm

Let op: dit ventiel is niet standaard uitgerust met een zijafsluiter, maar deze is beschikbaar tegen een meerprijs. De afblaasveiligheid is afgesteld op iets boven de 10 bar, wat bijdraagt aan de veiligheid tijdens gebruik. Daarnaast is het belangrijk om te vermelden dat in buitenlanden andere cilinder aansluitingen gebruikelijk zijn; deze zijn op aanvraag beschikbaar. Met de Reduceerventiel K10 Backinggas 0-50 bent u verzekerd van een hoge kwaliteit en veilige werking in elke toepassing.

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SKU: 91691698934

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4.7 ★★★★★
Based on 26 reviews
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Verified Purchase
William A. Blackwell
Battle Creek, US
★★★★★ 5
read!
Format: Kindle
I had to read this book for a political theory class, and I thoroughly enjoyed it. Keysarr did a great job of researching and writing it. It was not as dry as some of the other, similar books I've read. I would definitely recommend this one, even if it's not for a class.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 26, 2014
T
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Tim Olson
Lake Worth, US
★★★★★ 5
Excellent Book
Format: Kindle
Detailed exhaustively researched history of the right to vote in America. I learned more from this book than any other source.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on February 24, 2021
H
Verified Purchase
How Family
Alexandria, US
★★★★★ 5
Great reference for college US History I & Ii.
Format: Paperback
My college course references this book for US History I & Ii at Temple College in Texas.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on June 21, 2022
P
[email protected]
Battle Creek, US
★★★★★ 4
A useful study
Format: Hardcover
This is a book that will make you angry. If you are a conservative, this book should make you feel very guilty. It is important to begin with that this book is a detour from Keyssar's larger project, which was supposed to be a history of the American working class' electoral participation. After struggling with the work for several years he realized that he needed to publish a whole book explaining what the right to vote actually was in American history. The result is a history of the slow and uneven path to universal suffrage in American history. We learn about the existence of the vote before 1776, the improvement that occured with the revolution, and the larger improvement that occured with the Jeffersonian/Jacksonian period in which the large majority of white men were able to vote. At the same time we learn of efforts to counter the expanding suffrage, such as disfranchisement of free blacks all over the country before 1861, attacks on the voting rights of paupers, felons, migrants and aliens, as well as the disfranchisment in the early 1800s of the limited voting rights women had in the early 1800s. Keyssar then goes on to discuss the narrowing of the portals from the 1860s to the 1920s, periods ironically bounded by giving the vote to blacks in the 1870s and to women by the 1920s. But in between that period nearly all blacks and many whites were disenfranchised in the south, while literacy, residence, nationality and registration systems sought to limit the vote in the North (while "asiatics" were barred in the west). The book concludes with the successful passage of the Voting Rights Act and the twenty-sixth amendment, but also with low turnout, an extremely narrow political spectrum, and government structures which limit political participation and reinforce conservative values. Much of this will not be new to historians, though never before has there been such detail and the twenty appendixes provided at the back will be invaluable for future reference. Sometimes Keyssar gives a qualititative estimate of how many Americans could vote (he suggests that perhaps 60% of white Americans could vote before 1776, a figure much lower than the 80-90% posited by more Panglossian historians). And there are many interesting details, such as the New York plan where registration was supposed to take place on Yom Kippur, conventiently leaving out many Jews. But otherwise the full results have been reserved for his upcoming work. This weakens his criticisms of American exceptionalism, since without a clear understanding of how much the vote declined in the North, we cannot see how fully the ponderous elitism of Parkman and Godkin were like the undemocratic aspects of German or Italian or even British liberalism. I am also do not agree with his description of slaves as a "peasantry." This implies that the majority of white farmers who were not slaveholders were a) not peasants and b) were otherwise indistinguishable on a class basis from the slaveholders. Recent southern agrarian history makes this assumption quite questionable. It is true that Americans were unenthusiatic as Europeans about the rise of the proletariat and rural subaltern classes, but it is insufficient to say that mass suffrage only occured because such classes were a small proportion of the population. They were also a small proportion of the population in France in 1848 and 1851 when universal male suffrage was declared, which did not prevent a greater degree of struggle over the question in that country. Enfranchising the majority of any population would raise serious issues of class domination and control regardless of the class structure. Nevertheless this is still a useful study, and reading the petty, racist, misogynist, self-serving and self-satisfied arguments against the suffrage will be a depressing experience. To think that such injustices could be continued for two centuries thanks to the endless cant of "state's rights" long after the republican content of that slogan had drained away will infuriate you.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 18, 2000
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Randall Lindsey
Lexington, US
★★★★★ 5
Unfolding of the right to vote in the U.S.
In my forty years of studying the history of the U.S., I find this work to be the most authoritative and complete work yet encountered. Not only is the book a thorough guide through the evolution of our democracy, it is an entertaining read. The book is a 'must' read for those who seek a perspective on many of the current issues involving voting rights.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on November 4, 2006

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