SKU: 19270913636

Berlinger Haus 4 az 1-ben tejhabosító Sahara

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Berlinger Haus 4 az 1-ben tejhabosító SaharaBerlinger Haus 4 az 1 ben tejhabost Sahara. Stlusos tejhab minden kvimdnak Ngy funkci egy eszkzben. Kszts meleg vagy hideg tejhabot, forr tejet. Prmium minsg anyagok. Rozsdamentes acl s tapadsmentes bevonat. Knny tisztts. Kivehet habost lapt s egyszer karbantarts. Automatikus kikapcsols. Biztonsgos hasznlat minden alkalommal. Mirt vlaszt a Berlinger Haus 4 az 1 ben tejhabostt? Anyaga: rozsdamentes acl, manyag Melegtsi kapacits: 300 ml Habost kapacits:

Berlinger Haus 4 az 1-ben tejhabosító Sahara.

Stílusos tejhab minden kávéimádónak
  • Négy funkció egy eszközben.Készíts meleg vagy hideg tejhabot, forró tejet.
  • Prémium minőségű anyagok.Rozsdamentes acél és tapadásmentes bevonat.
  • Könnyű tisztítás.Kivehető habosító lapát és egyszerű karbantartás.
  • Automatikus kikapcsolás.Biztonságos használat minden alkalommal.

Miért választ a Berlinger Haus 4 az 1-ben tejhabosítót?

  • Anyaga: rozsdamentes acél, műanyag
  • Melegítési kapacitás: 300 ml
  • Habosító kapacitás: 160 ml
  •  Feszültség: 220-240V, 50/ 60Hz
  • Teljesítmény: 400W
  • 2 db habosító lapát
  • Habosító lapátja eltávolítható a könnyebb tisztítás érdekében
  • Anyaga: rozsdamentes acél, műanyag
  • Melegítési kapacitás: 300 ml
  • Habosító kapacitás: 160 ml
  • Feszültség: 220-240V, 50/ 60Hz
  • Teljesítmény: 400W
  • 2 db habosító lapát
  • Habosító lapátja eltávolítható a könnyebb tisztítás érdekében

 

Teremts egységes, elegáns megjelenést konyhádban a BerlingerHaus Sahara Collection tagjaként bemutatkozó 4 az 1-ben tejhabosítóval! A matt krém színű, letisztult eszköz nemcsak stílusos, de rendkívül sokoldalú is – ideális választás a prémium konyhai élményhez.

Funkcionalitás és dizájn egyben
Ez a kompakt tejhabosító négy különböző funkcióval kényeztet:

  • Meleg, vékony tejhab

  • Meleg, sűrű tejhab

  • Forró tej

  • Hideg tejhab

Akár egy habos cappuccinóra vágysz reggel, akár egy hűsítő jeges latte-t készítenél, ez az eszköz mindig készen áll.

Prémium minőség és könnyű tisztítás
A készülék belsejét tapadásmentes bevonattal ellátott rozsdamentes acél fal borítja, ami egyszerűbbé teszi a tisztítást és hosszabb élettartamot garantál. A kivehető habosító lapát még praktikusabbá teszi a használatot, míg az automatikus kikapcsolás gondoskodik a biztonságról.

Műszaki adatok

  • Melegítési kapacitás: 300 ml

  • Habosítási kapacitás: 160 ml

  • Teljesítmény: 400W

  • Feszültség: 220-240V, 50/60Hz

  • Gyors melegítés (55–65°C)

  • 2 cserélhető habosító lapát

  • Be/Ki kapcsoló gomb

Tökéletes harmónia a konyhádban
A Sahara Collection részeként ez a tejhabosító tökéletesen illeszkedik a kollekció többi prémium kiegészítőjéhez. Legyen szó kenyérpirítóról, vízforralóról vagy konyhai mérlegről – nálunk mindent egyetlen elegáns színvilágban találsz meg.

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SKU: 19270913636

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4.9 ★★★★★
Based on 1460 reviews
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WellBCare
Lowell, US
★★★★★ 2
Be clear that it's a blank journal you create, with brief quotes and thumbnail art
Format: Paperback
If one is looking for a personal journal of empty lined pages ~ and a brief Lilias Trotter quote with a thumbnail-size photo of her art on each page then this is for you. I understood it was a book of her journalling with more viewable-size sketches.
WAS THIS REVIEW HELPFUL?YesReportShare
Reviewed in the United States on May 13, 2022
E
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Eric Balkan
Pawtucket, US
★★★★★ 5
When and where economics went wrong
Format: Paperback
This is one of those books that can provide an epiphany to the reader -- but not very many American readers have even heard of it, unfortunately. That could be due to it's being a book primarily about English economic history, with assumptions that the reader is familiar to some extent with things like the Poor Laws and Tory socialism. But I wasn't, and was still able to glean some great insights from the work. That could be because Polanyi is not afraid of repetition. :-) A key insight, and the one that could be summed up as the theme of the book, is Polanyi's realization that prior to about 1830, the market and the economy were considered part of society. That is, economic activity was something that people did along with everything else they did, like engage in social/familial relationships, religious rituals, etc. But with the 1830s came a paradigm shift: the advent of rational capitalism. Now, the market was considered an entity by itself, outside of society. This market entity was viewed as governed by universal laws. Like laws of physics, these market laws were independent of culture, independent of social group, independent of time period, and, in fact, independent of human behavior. While any observer of human nature would say that people often make decisions for emotional reasons -- and modern neurological research shows that virtually every decision we make is a combination of the rational and the emotional -- these market laws assumed only rational behavior on the part of economic actors. Though Polanyi doesn't mention it, it's now easy to see how Alfred Marshall could get carried away with creating a mathematical foundation for microeconomics and how Leon Walras could, reportedly, say that if something couldn't be studied mathematically, it wasn't worth studying. There's no current way to model emotions with math, and so the Ricardian prototype of an emotion-less economics continues into the modern economics of today. These universal market laws frees the market from any social constraints. A number of modern neo-classical economists assert that this makes economics purely amoral, i.e., without regard for any ethics. Therefore any attempts by the public, by politicians, or by workers to add ethics to the market is an interference with pure market workings, which, according to their interpretation of Adam Smith's "invisible hand", will produce optimal results if just left alone. But Smith never said that, and in fact rational capitalism, in elevating greed and selfishness to the status of goals -- see the Ayn Rand work "The Virtue Of Selfishness" -- is, IMO, not amoral at all, but rather is a morality of its own. Anyway, back to Polanyi's insights. Another key one is the concept of a "double movement" in 19th century England. Each move to create a purer market created an ad-hoc counter move. E.g., Ricardian free trade was faced with opposition from workers losing their jobs and local firms losing business Americans can easily think of another example: where the employment of children (eventually) led to laws restricting that employment, simply because human beings have too much of a sympathetic nature to sit still for children losing limbs in the dangerous factories and mines of the time. Polanyi notes that capitalists often blame these anti-capitalist laws on planned activity by socialist anti-market groups, but he says they're actually the result of the recognition by the general public that they don't want to live under a pure market system. Yet another good insight is Polanyi's recognition that market laws treat labor, land, and money as commodities. We can see that today, where neo-classical economists assert that the law of supply and demand should apply to workers as it applies to anything else in the economy. That is, if there's a surplus of workers in one area and a shortage in another, supply and demand dictates the flow of workers from the one area to the other. But a laid-off textile worker in South Carolina is not going to move to China for a job. That's my own example, but Polanyi offers his own from modern English history. The book isn't perfect. Polanyi does have a tendency to generalize, a common failing among authors, IMO. E.g., in discussing the rise of fascism in the 1930s, he's on very shaky ground when he starts talking about the US or about Russian policy intentions during that period. I gave The Great Transformation 5 stars because, even with its faults, the reader will be thinking about Polanyi's insights for some time to come. I am.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 18, 2009
K
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Kindle Customer
Phoenix, US
★★★★★ 5
Not light reading but worth it
Format: Kindle
Much of this book was heavy reading for me, mainly due my not being familiar with the background development and history of various economic theory and associated laws over 500 or so years of British history. I did stick it out and am glad I did. There are many insights as to how we have arrived at today and the book is still relevant even though it was written in 1942. I found the last few chapters and the comments in Sources to offer the most explanations to fit modern times especially with regard to the rise of fascism. Thick but worth it.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 6, 2025
B
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Blake West
Carnegie, US
★★★★★ 4
Interesting anthropology and critique, but dense and obtuse writing
Format: Kindle
The good part is that at the end of the day, I learned a lot here, and Polanyi raised a lot of very interesting and under-discussed historical points to create his argument. It felt very similar to David Graeber (or I guess Graeber is similar to Polanyi) in that way. The bad part is that, whereas Graeber writes with exceptional clarity and vividness, Polanyi is obtuse and dense. And I've read other books from this era, I don't think it's the time. I think it's Polanyi's writing. Beyond that, his work serves more as analysis than prescription. It's a bit unclear exactly what he's advocating for. Which maybe is OK, though I prefer when non fiction writers offer solutions rather than just pointing out problems. All in all, if you can settle in with his writing, there are definite gems in there.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 5, 2026
K
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Kitty Bryant
Houston, US
★★★★★ 5
Inspiring analysis of economic history
Format: Paperback
Polanyi presents economic history through an analysis of the "utopian" catastrophy of the self-regulating market economy. Polanyi argues that the free market economy treats the most essential elements of human society - labor, nature, and money - as if they should be exploited like commodities. When liberalism (free marketeerism) rules, then the economy dictates what is possible in human society, and these rules are intolerable because they create conditions under which humans are impoverished and disempowered. In his final chapter he lays out the battle ground between liberalism and its alternatives, which when he was writing (1945) were socialism and fascism. Fascism refuses the dictates of economic liberalism but substitutes in its place the dictates of a state that denies individual freedom. Socialism, alternatively, holds the only promise of true freedom for the individual where economic and political rules are developed and enforced democratically for the protection of society. While this is not an easy read because it demands a background in history, he is a fluent and persuasive writer.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 2, 2023

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